Louis Farrakhan




Best Known For...

Louis Farrakhan has led the Nation of Islam, an African American movement that combined elements of Islam with black nationalism since 1978.




Louis Farrakhan was born Louis Eugene Walcott on May 11, 1933, in the Bronx, New York. He joined the Nation of Islam in 1955 and in 1978 led a breakaway group of the Nation of Islam that preserved the original teachings of Elijah Muhammad. In the 1980s, Farrakhan was criticized for making anti-Semitic remarks; he denies being anti-Semitic. In 1995, he led the Million Man March on Washington, D.C.


Born Louis Eugene Wolcott, Louis Farrakhan grew up near Boston. He was raised by his mother, who came to the United States from the Caribbean island of St. Kitts. At first, Farrakhan sought to become an educator, winning a scholarship to Winston-Salem Teacher's College. But he left after two years to pursue his passion for music. He had many talents, including being a skilled violinist and a good singer.

Known as the Charmer, Farrakhan enjoyed some success in his career. He had a hit with the song "Jumbie Jamboree." But Farrakhan soon discovered a different calling after attending a Nation of Islam event while performing in Chicago. The organization had been established by Elijah Muhammad in the 1930s. In his teachings, Muhammad called for the establishment of a separate nation for African Americans, and he decried whites as their oppressors. With encouragement from Muhammad's right-hand man, Malcolm X, Farrakhan joined this Muslim movement in 1955. He took the name Louis X. Using his musical abilities, Farrakhan penned the song "A White Man's Heaven Is a Black Man's Hell" for his new religious group.

Farrakhan rose up in the organization's hierarchy. He worked as assistant minister to Malcolm X at a Boston mosque and then took over Malcolm X's place when he went to preach at the Nation of Islam mosque in New York City's Harlem neighborhood. The movement's leader, Elijah Muhammad, also bestowed a holy name upon him, calling him Farrakhan.

When Malcolm X split from the group in 1964, Farrakhan quickly filled his shoes, growing even closer to Elijah Muhammad. His relationship with Malcolm X turned bitter as Malcolm X started to speak about the group's divisive racial theology and possible abuses of power by Muhammad. Some thought that Farrakhan may have been involved in Malcolm X's assassination the following year. Three members of the Nation of Islam were later arrested for Malcolm X's murder.

When Elijah Muhammad died in 1975, the Nation of Islam eventually fragmented. Muhammad had appointed as his successor his son, Warith Deen Mohammad (or Mohammed, according to some sources), who sought to take the group toward a more traditional practice of the Muslim faith. Farrakhan was not happy with this turn of events, and he eventually broke away from the group.


In the late 1970s, Farrakhan started up a new Nation of Islam, one that adhered to the teachings of Elijah Muhammad. He started a newspaper, The Final Call, to help him communicate his views to others around this time. In his new position, Farrakhan remained outspoken on social and political issues, sometimes drawing fire for his racial and religious comments.

In the early 1980s, Farrakhan threw his support behind Reverend Jesse Jackson's presidential bid. A group within his organization, Fruit of Islam, provided security for Jackson during his 1984 run. Jackson's campaign ran into trouble when Jackson made an anti-Semitic remark and Farrakhan rose to his defense.  Over the years, Farrakhan has blamed the Jewish community for some of the suffering endured by African Americans. He has also criticized other ethnicities and racial groups.

One of Farrakhan's most significant accomplishments has been organizing the 1995 Million Man March on Washington, D.C. That October, Farrakhan brought together a variety of African American leaders, such as Reverend Jesse Jackson, civil rights pioneer Rosa Parks and Malcolm X's widow Betty Shabazz, to speak on important social issues to the crowd gathered there. The total number of participants has been a topic of debate, with estimates ranging from 400,000 to 2 million attendees. Farrakhan also held a Million Family March in 2000.

While many recognize the value of Nation of Islam's social and educational programs, Farrakhan has been criticized for some of his other activities. He toured 18 nations in 1996, which included a stop in Libya. Farrakhan accepted funds from the late Libyan leader Muammar al-Qaddafi for the Nation of Islam, but the U.S. government refused to let him keep the money.

Farrakhan remains a polarizing figure to this day. He continues to fight oppression wherever he sees it, whether it's in the nation's educational system, government or urban communities. And Farrakhan is still making waves with his public comments.



Source: Louis Farrakhan. (2013). The Biography Channel website. Retrieved 10:51, Feb 07, 2013, from http://www.biography.com/people/louis-farrakhan-9291850.












Jesse Jackson



Best Known For...

Jesse Jackson is an American civil rights leader, Baptist minister and politician who twice ran for U.S. president.

Synopsis

Jesse Jackson was born October 8, 1941, in Greenville, South Carolina. While an undergraduate Jackson became involved in the civil rights movement. In 1965, he went to Selma, Alabama to march with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. In the 1980s he became a leading national spokesman for African-Americans. After being appointed special envoy to Africa, he was awarded the 2000 Presidential Medal of Freedom.

Quotes

"Deliberation and debate is the way you stir the soul of our democracy."
– Jesse Jackson
"We must not measure greatness from the mansion down, but from the manger up."
– Jesse Jackson
Early Years

A pioneering and controversial civil rights leader, Jesse Jackson was born as Jesse Louis Burns on October 8, 1941, in Greenville, South Carolina. His parents, Helen Burns, a high school student at the time of her son's birth, and Noah Robinson, a 33-year-old married man who was her neighbor, never married.

A year after Jesse's birth, his mother married Charles Henry Jackson, a post office maintenance worker, who later adopted Jesse. In the small, black-and-white divided town of Greenville, a young Jackson learned early what segregation looked like. He and his mother had to sit in the back of the bus, while his black elementary school lacked the amenities the town's white elementary school had.

"There was no grass in the yard," Jackson later recalled. "I couldn't play, couldn't roll over because our school yard was full of sand. And if it rained, it turned into red dirt." Jackson, though, showed promise and potential. His biological father would recall that he always seemed kind of special.

"Jesse was an unusual kind of fella, even when he was just learning to talk," Noah Robinson told The New York Times in 1984. "He would say he's going to be a preacher. He would say, 'I'm going to lead people through the rivers of the water.'"

In school Jackson was a good student and an exceptional athlete. He was elected class president and in the fall of 1959 attended the University of Illinois on a football scholarship. But Jackson spent just a year at the largely white school before transferring to the Agricultural and Technical College of North Carolina (now called the North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University) in Greensboro, where he got involved in the civil rights demonstrations in the town. It was during this time that he also met Jacqueline Lavinia Brown, whom he married in 1962. The couple has five children together.

Dr. King

In 1964, Jackson graduated from college with a degree in sociology. The next year he went to Selma, Alabama, to march with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., eventually becoming a worker in King's Southern Christian Leadership Conference. In 1966, he moved his young family to Chicago, where he did graduate work at the Chicago Theological Seminary. Jackson never finished his studies, but was later ordained by the minister of a Chicago church.

Jackson made the decision to leave school in order to work for King, who, impressed with the young leader's drive and passion, appointed him director of Operation Breadbasket, the economic arm of the SCLC. But Jackson's tenure with the SCLC was not entirely smooth. While King, at first, was enamored with the brashness of the young leader, not everyone in the organization felt the same way. Many felt that Jackson acted too independently, and eventually King came to tire of him as well. Just five days before his assassination, King stormed out of a meeting after Jackson had repeatedly interrupted him.

Still, Jackson traveled with King to Memphis, where King was assassinated on April 4, 1968, while standing on the balcony of his hotel room. Jackson, who was in a room one floor below King's, later told reporters he was the last to talk to Dr. King, who passed away, he claimed, in his arms. The events, as Jackson described them, immediately set off a wave of anger among others who were at the scene and claimed Jackson had overstated his presence at King's shooting for his own gain.

Jackson was eventually suspended by the SCLC. He formally resigned from the organization in 1971.

Political Involvement

The same year Jackson left the SCLC, he founded Operation PUSH (People United to Save Humanity). Jackson created the organization, based in Chicago, in order to advocate black self-help and in a sense serve as Jackson's political pulpit. In 1984 Jackson established the National Rainbow Coalition, whose mission was to establish equal rights for African-Americans, women and homosexuals. The two organizations merged in 1996 to form the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition.

As Jackson's national profile increased, so did his political involvement. Beginning in the late 1970s he began traveling around the world to mediate or spotlight problems and disputes. He visited South Africa in 1979 and spoke out against the country's apartheid policies, and later traveled to the Middle East to throw his support behind the creation of a Palestinian state. He also got behind democratic efforts in the small island nation of Haiti.

In 1984 Jesse Jackson became the second African-American (Shirley Chisholm preceded him) to make a national run for the U.S. presidency. The campaign was historic in terms of its success. Jackson placed third in the Democratic primary voting and garnered a total of 3.5 million votes, surpassing Chisholm's ballot success.

But the campaign also sparked some controversy when in January 1984, Jackson, in an interview with a Washington Post reporter, referred to Jews as "Hymies" and to New York City as "Hymietown." Protests erupted, and Jackson apologized for the remarks one month later.

In 1988 Jackson made a second presidential run, this time finishing second in the Democratic primaries to Massachusetts Governor Michael Dukakis, winning more than seven million votes.

Later Years

While Jackson declined to run for the U.S. presidency again, he's continued to be a force on the political stage. He has continued to push for African-American rights and has been a featured speaker at Democratic conventions.

In 1990 he won his first election, when he captured one of two special unpaid "statehood senator" posts created by the Washington City Council in order to lobby the U.S. Congress for statehood for the District of Columbia.

But Jackson has been dogged by continued controversies. In 2001 it was revealed he had fathered a child out of wedlock. Seven years later, during then Senator Barack Obama's campaign for the U.S. presidency, a firestorm erupted after he accused Obama of "talking down to black people." He later apologized for the remarks.

Still, there's no denying Jackson's impact on American politics and civil rights. In 2000 President Clinton awarded Jackson the Presidential Medal of Freedom. That same year he received a Master of Divinity degree from the Chicago Theological Seminary.

A noted author, his books include Straight from the Heart (1987) and Legal Lynching: Racism, Injustice, and the Death Penalty (1995).


VIDEO: Jesse Jackson



Source: Jesse Jackson. (2013). The Biography Channel website. Retrieved 11:07, Feb 07, 2013, from http://www.biography.com/people/jesse-jackson-9351181.













John Edwards Jacob





During his term as president of the National Urban League, John E. Jacob (born 1934) pushed for the social and economic progress of African Americans and other minority groups.
"America will become a second-rate power unless we undertake policies to insure that our neglected minority population gets the education, housing, health care and job skills they need to help America compete successfully in a global economy," John E. Jacob, president of the National Urban League, told Martin Tolchin in the New York Times. Reiterated in his annual address to the organization, titled "The State of Black America," Jacob's efforts are often controversial; he repeatedly attacks what he views as the indifference of the American political system to the plight of the disadvantaged. During the 1980s, he called for the withdrawal of billions of dollars from the military budget to be used for training minorities to become skilled laborers. Jacob commented to Ari L. Goldman in the New York Times, "America has only one hope of entering the 21st century as a world power and a global economic force. That is its ability to achieve racial parity and to make full use of the African Americans and minorities it has so long rejected."

Born December 16, 1934, in Trout, Louisiana, Jacob is the son of Baptist minister Emory Jacob and his wife Claudia. Emory eventually moved the family to Houston, Texas, where he worked in carpentry and construction to supplement the small income he received from the church. "I grew up so poor," Jacob recalled to Luix Overbea in the Christian Science Monitor. "Two rooms and a kitchen for seven people. No gas. No electricity. We did our homework by the light of a kerosene lamp and bathed in a washtub in the kitchen." He told Jacqueline Trescott in the Washington Post that his parents' "very rigid middle-class standards," including "southern Baptist principles—no drinking, no dancing, no card playing, no movies on Sunday," saved the family from the "syndrome of poverty." "The overriding principle," Jacob related to Trescott, "was 'Do unto others as you would have them do unto you… . ' You had to do well in school; you had to work. I can never remember not working. You could not create any problems for anybody, at any time. So we grew up straight, upright, good, well-mannered, smart poor kids."

In 1957 Jacob received a bachelor's degree in economics from Howard University in Washington, D.C.; an E. E. Worthing scholarship made college possible. After spending a brief period in the U.S. Army where he achieved the rank of second lieutenant, he returned to Washington. His first job, as a post office clerk, was secured several months later with the intervention of the office of Senator Lyndon B. Johnson. Jacob experienced frustration that his employment opportunities were limited because of his race. "I hated the work [in the post office]," he told Trescott. "I went to work mad, I came home mad."

Two years of postal work preceded Jacob's employment as a public assistance caseworker with the Baltimore Department of Public Welfare in 1960, a position he held while pursuing his masters degree in social work at Howard University. During his five years with the department, Jacob was made child welfare supervisor, a post he considered his most difficult. He explained to Trescott that when taking a child from a parent, you "just have to hope you are right, that what you are doing is right for the child and the parent, at least for the child." In 1965, two years after Jacob completed his masters degree, he was appointed director of education and youth incentives at the Washington Urban League.

Established Leader in His Field

After the turbulent summer of 1967, when racial tensions resulted in urban riots across the United States, Jacob oversaw the creation of Project Alert in the nation's capitol. Rioting in Washington was confined to one day, and 34 persons were arrested for disruptive acts, including arson and looting. The Washington Urban League responded by becoming a liaison for the community; youths from the ghetto were recruited as leaders to bring slum residents' problems to the League, which then directed families to appropriate social services. By 1968, when Jacob was named acting executive director of the Washington Urban League, he led his organization's participation in several other development programs, including the Ford Foundation-funded Operation Equality and the government-funded Project Enable (Education and Neighborhood Action for a Better Living Environment).

During the 1970s, Jacob served as the head of several levels of the National Urban League, including director of community organizing and training for the League's eastern region and director of the San Diego Urban League. In 1975, he returned to the east coast as president of the Washington Urban League and in 1979 was appointed executive vice-president of the National Urban League. The League was renowned for its passage of progressive acts against racial discrimination throughout the 1970s, particularly the 1972 federal Employment Opportunity Act. The Supreme Court upheld the legality of the organization's affirmative action programs, which required those corporations seeking federal contracts to integrate their workforce under specific guidelines involving racial quotas for hiring and promotions.

When National Urban League chief executive Vernon Jordan, was seriously injured in an assassination attempt in 1980, Jacob became acting chief executive of the League. Jordan retired in 1982, and Jacob was subsequently elected to the presidency of the organization by unanimous vote. By this time, the politics of the country had changed under Republican President Ronald Reagan, who was opposed to affirmative action and mandatory busing of school children to desegregate public schools. Under the Reagan administration, several policies, including cutbacks in federal social programs, increased the strain on the financially beleaguered National Urban League. Jacob was outspoken in his objections to the administration, citing in particular its appointment of a conservative majority to the Civil Rights Commission; the result, he felt, would be a weakening of the agencies that protected civil rights. The 1980s also marked the Supreme Court ruling that valid employment seniority systems take precedence over the protection of minority jobs in Firefighters v. Stotts. Additionally, suits filed by the Justice Department against public employers who used the affirmative action tactics of quotas and specific numerical goals increased significantly. Jacob responded by joining other civil rights groups in their boycott of the hearings on employment quotas by the Civil Rights Commission.

Called for Domestic Marshall Plan

During the early 1980s, Jacob formulated a new philosophy for the National Urban League that was similar to the 1947 Marshall Plan initiated by the United States to assist the recovery of European nations after World War II. Aid was sought from private sectors to facilitate entry-level job training programs, and Jacob proposed the League give direct assistance from its own resources to poverty-stricken minorities and whites, including housing and job placement. In addition, he suggested the federal government institute full employment through substantial public works and job training programs, and he joined other civil rights groups in supporting economic boycotts against private industry to induce corporate funding for developing markets and jobs for racial minorities.

Jacob is an adherent of self-help, particularly as advocated by black churches, civil rights and social welfare agencies, and community-led groups. He outlined various strategies—tutoring and counseling to raise Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) scores, a comprehensive teenage pregnancy prevention plan, and a male responsibility program for fatherhood and parenthood—for addressing contributing factors to the cycle of poverty in black America. Key issues he cited were the plight of unwed, adolescent mothers who often dropped out of school and entered welfare roles, the nearly half of all black households headed by single women, and black victims of black crime. Jacob added voter registration, education, and drug control to the League's agenda of top priorities, issues to be addressed through the nineties. "What has distinguished us organizationally, is that in addition to our civil rights portfolio," Jacob told Ebony, "we have always been a direct service organization." Reasoning that blacks should attack their internal problems themselves, he pointed out in Ebony that the Reagan years "may wind up being a blessing." Jacob reckoned, "As a people, we must remember that we are not as weak as we have allowed ourselves to be painted and we are not as strong as we can be."

During the presidency of George Bush—in the late 1980s and early 1990s—Jacob persisted in advocating an Urban Marshall Plan. Inspired by the lessening of tensions between the Eastern and Western worlds, he proposed that funding for the $50 billion project to train minority workers be transferred from the military budget. Although Bush declined an invitation to address the National Urban League when he was campaigning for the presidency, Jacob was encouraged by Bush's civil rights record in Congress. In 1989, Jacob praised Bush's administration to Julie Johnson in the New York Times for the "fresh winds of openness it has brought to our Government." When Bush was receptive to Jacob's domestic Marshall Plan proposals, Jacob welcomed dialogue with the new administration, but Bush's veto of the Civil Rights Act of 1990 soon soured the relationship. In the 1990s, Jacob faced repeated resistance to affirmative action in the courts and legislature, where conservative politicians, white and black, spurned government intervention programs in favor of self-reliance.

Warned of Economic Suicide

While acknowledging that self-reliance is a factor in social reform, Jacob postulates that self-help alone will not deter racial discrimination against blacks and other minorities. He asserts that government funding is necessary to provide fair competition at work and school and argues that the costs are justified to produce skilled laborers, capable of global competition. "Job discrimination is not only a civil rights issue—it's a form of economic suicide," Jacob remarked to Goldman, expressing his hope that the American work force will admit more Hispanics, women immigrants, and African-Americans.

Winner of numerous honorary degrees and social service awards, Jacob, as head of the National Urban League, oversees the operations of one of the largest black organizations in the country. The League—founded by black social worker George Edmund Hayes and white philanthropist Ruth Standish Baldwin in 1910 as the Committee on Urban Conditions among Negroes—began as an organization aiding black laborers from the South who migrated to northern urban areas at the beginning of the twentieth century. In 1911 the Committee combined with two other groups under the appellation the National League on Urban Conditions among Negroes. The National Urban League, an abbreviation of the original League's name, became the organization's designation when affiliates were chartered. Over the decades, the League has grown to encompass a national staff of more than 30,000 salaried workers and non-salaried volunteers and a national governing board made up of 60 trustees chosen from various fields, including churches, corporations, universities, youth groups, labor unions, and civic organizations. Funding from businesses, individuals, and nonprofit organizations, including the United Way, provides the large sum of money required to operate the National Urban League and its affiliates.

A longtime proponent of change, Jacob revealed his aspirations for American society in an address delivered at a conference on public policy and African-Americans. As quoted in Vital Speeches, the activist reminded the forum of the words of the late Episcopal Bishop of Washington, John Walker, who said, "It is God's will that we live together in peace. It's God's will that we grow beyond our racial animosities and that we must commit ourselves to continue that work." Jacob added, "That strikes me as a credo that will serve us well as we go about our business today, tomorrow and into eternity."

New Challenges Ahead

Jacob decided to announce his retirement in 1993 from the National Urban League. He stayed on as president and CEO of the organization until 1994 when accepting the position of executive vice president of Anheuser-Busch. His new responsibilities include working on the company's marketing strategies in minority and foreign markets and educating the public about Anheuser's other companies and theme parks.















John H. Johnson





Born John Harold Johnson, January 19, 1918, in Arkansas City, AR; died after a long illness, August 8, 2005, in Chicago, IL. Publisher. John H. Johnson built a media empire based on the immensely successful magazines Ebony and Jet in the years following World War II. Both were aimed at an African-American readership, and Ebony in particular became enormously influential in that community. Its founder would be remembered as "a pioneer in black journalism when a large part of America lived in the shadow of segregation and open racism," noted Rupert Cornwell of London's Independent newspaper.

Born in 1918 in Arkansas City, Arkansas, Johnson was the grandson of slaves. His father was killed in a sawmill accident, and his mother worked as a camp cook for two years to save the money for a train ticket north for them, because there was no high school for black students in Arkansas City. Johnson's stepfather joined them in Chicago, and Johnson enrolled at DuSable High School, an all-black high school known for its rigorous academic program. He was elected class president and edited the school newspaper before he graduated in 1936.

That same year, Johnson was invited to speak before the Urban League, an early civil-rights organization. The president of an insurance company that served the black community was in the audience and, impressed, offered Johnson a job and tuition for college. He took courses at the University of Chicago, and began working at Supreme Liberty Life Insurance as an editor of its company magazine, which required him to sift through black newspapers and journals to find story ideas. He never earned his college degree, but after a few years came up with the idea for a new magazine based on Reader's Digest, which reprinted articles in condensed form from other publications. Unable to secure a business loan, he borrowed $500 by using his mother's household furniture as collateral. He sent out a subscription offer to Supreme Life policyholders, and when 3,000 signed up, Negro Digest was born. The first issue came out in November of 1942, and soon boasted a circulation of 50,000.

Johnson was by then married, and it was his wife, Eunice, who suggested the title for his next magazine project, which would be based on Life, another widely read publication of the day and renowned for its photojournalism. He later said his goal was to "show not only the Negroes but also white people that Negroes got married, had beauty contests, gave parties, ran successful businesses, and did all the other normal things of life," New York Times writer Douglas Martin quoted him as saying. The name of the new magazine was Ebony, and the 25,000 copies printed for its premier issue in November of 1945 sold out entirely.

Johnson's magazines relied heavily on his sales skills those first years to land the advertising accounts that brought in revenue. He was determined to win business from major American companies, not just those aimed at black consumers, and his persistence revolutionized magazine publishing. The first company he convinced was Zenith, a radio manufacturer, and others quickly followed suit. Johnson "virtually invented the black consumer market," the later executive editor of Ebony, Lerone Bennett Jr., told Chicago Tribune reporters Charles Storch and Barbara Sherlock. "He was the first publisher I know of who went to Madison Avenue and persuaded them that they had to address the African-American market and use African-American markets."

In 1951, Johnson launched Jet, which covered the achievements of blacks in entertainment, politics, and sports. It, too, became enormously successful, and with Ebony was a staple in nearly every middle-class African-American household for a generation and more. As the civil rights era gathered steam, Johnson's magazines profiled the movement's leaders, covered important events, and delivered strong opinions in both its editorials and feature articles about race relations in America.

Johnson's success as an entrepreneur and visionary kept pace with the gains made by his community over the years. In 1971, he became the first black person to own a building on Chicago's famed Michigan Avenue when he moved his Johnson Publishing headquarters there. Two years later, the company launched Fashion Fair Cosmetics, a line of makeup in shades flattering to darker skin. His wife, mother, and daughter all held executive positions, but his twenty-five-year-old son John Harold Johnson Jr. died of sickle cell anemia in 1981. A year later, Johnson became the first African American to appear on Forbes' annual rankings of the 400 wealthiest Americans.

The recipient of numerous honors, including the 1972 Publisher of the Year award from the Magazine Publishers Association and the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1996 from President Bill Clinton, Johnson also earned the illustrious Spingarn Medal from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), and gave generously to Howard University's school of journalism. He died after a long illness on August 8, 2005, in Chicago, Illinois, at the age of 87. Survivors include his wife of 64 years, Eunice Walker Johnson, and daughter Linda Johnson Rice, president of Johnson Publishing. Ebony continued to remain in the No. 1 spot among African-American-aimed magazines, with a circulation of 1.6 million in 2004.


Sources: Chicago Tribune, August 8, 2005; Independent (London), August 11, 2005, p. 33; Jet, August 22, 2005, p. 6; New York Times, August 9, 2005, p. C22.
Carol Brennan













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